Wednesday, September 20, 2017

לשנה תובה

This morning I am thinking about fire and flood, earthquake and hurricane, war and genocide, impunity and extrajudicial murder.

The new moon rose here in New York at 6:56 this morning. The fall equinox is Friday afternoon at 4:02. Today is the 29th of Elul on the Hebrew calendar, so tonight is Rosh HaShanah: new year 5778.
I take a moment to wish my friends and relations a happy and healthy year, but I am stuck on the horrors facing the people of Burma, Mexico, Puerto Rico, Ukraine, St. Louis, California, Texas, Florida, the Virgin Islands, and so many other places.

On Rosh HaShanah, we recite the liturgical poem Unetanneh Tokef, which says that everyone of us passes before God on this day.  That, like sheep before the shepherd, we are counted and evaluated and our destinies are determined. The poem says our fates are written in a book:
Who will live and who will die? 
Who will live a long life and who will die before their time?
Who will perish by fire and who by water?
Who by sword and who by beast?
Who by famine and who by thirst?
Who by earthquake and who by epidemic?
Who by strangling and who by stoning?
Who will rest and who will wander?
Who will live in harmony and who will be harassed?
Who will enjoy tranquility and who will suffer?
The prayer concludes: "But Repentance, Prayer, and Charity Avert the Severe Decree!"

I think not. I think we can resist official impunity and police murder. I think we can resist the selfishness that denies global warming. I think we can resist xenophobia and homophobia and white supremacy and misogyny. I think we can even resist earthquakes by fighting against fracking.

The world is much bigger than we. Hurricanes will continue. So will tectonic movement. But we can look out for each other instead of ignoring each other's suffering.

L'Shanah Tovah.

Monday, September 11, 2017

The Farmer and the Cowman Should Be Friends!

Act II of the Rogers and Hammerstein 1943 classic Oklahoma! opens with the song "The Farmer and the Cowman."  The song highlights the adversarial relations which, in the imaginative Oklahoma of the play, constitute the full spectrum of human difference.  In the universe of this musical, everyone -- with the sole exception of the Syrian pedlar Ali Hakim -- is white.  I wrote in a previous post about the many seemingly exclusive Oklahomas we encounter in art.  John Steinbeck, Ralph Ellison, Woody Guthrie, S.E. Hinton, Lynn Riggs, Fus Fixico, Will Rogers... encountering their works one after another would lead the audience to think Oklahoma is not one place at all.

I remembered the song only last week.  It reminded me again that this monster success (over 2000 Broadway performances) isn't just a story.  It purports to be the story.  Consider these lyrics:
Territory folks should stick together,
Territory folks should all be pals.
Cowboys dance with farmer's daughters,
Farmers dance with the ranchers' gals.
One would be forgiven for thinking these white people were the people of the "territory."

Oklahoma was admitted to statehood in 1907. The play takes place just before that. The first thing to note is that the town of Claremore, where the action takes place, was not in the Oklahoma Territory.  Claremore was in the Indian Territory, which was merged with the Oklahoma Territory to form the state of Oklahoma.  Claremore is the seat of Rogers County, which straddled the line between the Cherokee and Creek Nations. So where are all the Native people in Oklahoma!?

Congress called for a special census for the new state, so we actually have population figures for Claremore, Oklahoma in 1907.  There were 2064 residents, of whom 16% were Native American and 10% were African American.  Where were all the Black people in Oklahoma!?

This is what academics like to call "erasure." It doesn't just take place in imaginative works, either.  Between 1890 and 1907, in the Creek Nation alone, the white population went from 40,674 to 144,457! Overwhelming the Creek people with white emigrants, legislatively privatizing Creek land through individual allotments so that the surplus could be sold, and then stealing the allotments themselves all constitute erasure in fact. By all means, check out Killers of the Flower Moon: The Osage Murders and the Birth of the FBI by David Grann or And Still the Waters Run by Angie Debo.

The farmer and the cowman? How about the banker, the real estate dealer and the murderer? They were friends.

Monday, September 4, 2017

Speaker Ryan, do your job!

Sixteen years ago, in the weeks before 9/11, the Dream Act was introduced to give immigrant youth who had grown up in the US the opportunities to pursue higher education and military service without fear of deportation.  From its conception the Dream Act was a bipartisan bill with both Democratic and Republican support.

Why hasn’t Congress passed it? Why isn’t it a law yet? Why are we relying on Donald Trump to renew an executive order by Barack Obama to create the DACA policy in the absence of any activity by Congress on this subject?

Our youth have been held hostage by politics. Nativist senators filibustered, frightened by the possibility that opponents to their right would mount primary challenges, accusing them of giving “amnesty” to “illegals.”* Also, President Obama’s existence on this earth led Republican leadership to follow a policy of opposing everything he favored, often hesitating to express opinions on new issues until he had taken a stand they could disagree with!

Now President Trump is on the verge of setting a six-month deadline for dismantling DACA. This would throw the question of immigrant youth back into Congress where it has always belonged. Speaker Ryan is begging him not to do it.  It would force Speaker Ryan to actually do his job and entertain bipartisan debate on a critical issue of public policy.

I believe the votes exist to pass the Dream Act.  I believe our immigrant youth deserve the opportunity to live their lives in public — outside the shadows — and to contribute to the wellbeing of all of us. I believe our youth shouldn’t have to worry that their careers are dependent on the next shift in the political winds. I believe Congress should do its job and legislate.

Speaker Ryan! Senator McConnell! You wanted the title of leader? Do your jobs and lead.  Stop equivocating about what the president should or should not do. Pass the Dream Act. 



*(The coinage “illegal” as a noun to describe a person has been a particularly effective way to demonize and criminalize immigrants, including those with green cards. But I don’t get how “amnesty,” which was one of the cornerstones of Ronald Reagan’s immigration reform, became such a scary word. Don’t public libraries offer amnesties?)

Wednesday, August 9, 2017

Twizzlers, Not Red Meat

People sometimes say that Donald Trump’s bluster and bombast is “red meat” for his base. I respectfully disagree. I think a better description would be Twizzlers. 

A quarter pound of Twizzlers (10 sticks, splitting your package four ways) gives you 400 calories, 53 grams of sugar, 230 mg of salt, and only 3 grams of protein. It gives you no vitamins or minerals. By contrast, a quarter-pound beef patty provides 231 calories, no sugar, 84 mg of salt, and 17 grams of protein. It also contains significant amounts of B vitamins and magnesium. So Twizzlers are chewy and addictive. Red meat is food.

Our loud-mouthed forty-fifth president’s loud pronouncements may make his fans feel good, like Twizzlers, but they are equally empty and bad for you. Yesterday he responded to the scary revelation that North Korea can now build nuclear devices small enough to fit on their long-range missiles. He said: “North Korea best not make any more threats to the United States. They will be met with fire and fury like the world has never seen.”

Fire and fury. Like the world has never seen. What does this actually mean? Is he planning to drop multiple nuclear warheads on the Korean Peninsula, murdering our allies along with Kim Jong Un’s people? Is he hoping to taunt Kim into launching a preemptive strike on us? This is either empty bluster or thoughtless provocation or both. Either he is threatening something he won’t do or he is planning the unthinkable.

Empty substitute for a real policy. Twizzlers, not red meat.

Wednesday, August 2, 2017

More on the Green Corn Rebellion

One hundred years ago today, August 2, 1917, hundreds of men in central Oklahoma -- white, Black and Native American; mostly young, mostly tenant farmers -- took up arms to resist the World War 1 draft.  They chose the old slogan "Rich man's war; poor man's fight."  They gathered on the Sasakwa farm of John Spears, prepared to march on Washington.  Before the next day was over most of them had surrendered to sheriff's posses.  Nigel Sellars, the historian who has done most work on the Green Corn Rebellion, thinks they were willing to fight President Woodrow Wilson, who they called "Big Slick", but unwilling to fight their own neighbors, people whom they knew personally.  Dozens were arrested and many of the leaders served time in Leavenworth Penitentiary for espionage and conspiracy.
Lonnie Spears, son of "Old Man" John Spears, at Leavenworth.

The area along the South Canadian River was a center of radicalism for years before.  Seminole County gave 35% of its votes to the Socialist Party in 1914.  So did Pontotoc County.  Hughes County voted 31% Socialist.  Even in 1916, when Wilson made the issue keeping the US out of the war, 28% of Seminole County voted Socialist.  It was also a region of landless farmers.  Four of five farmers in the three counties were tenants.  And the World War had not made their lives easier.  Cotton prices actually dropped in 1914.

Those high tenancy rates reflect some particularities of eastern Oklahoma, which had been Indian Territory until eleven years earlier.   Consider, for example, the case of Cuffie Harjo, a Seminole Indian participant who pled guilty in the big conspiracy case, US v. Neeley Adams, et. al.   He was sent to Muskogee to serve his sentence, but ended up in the 29th Company, 165th Depot Brigade, of the US Army and being gassed in the fighting in Europe.  Harjo, with his brother-in-law, Josie Marpiyecher, signed a complaint to the Bureau of Indian Affairs earlier that year about "guardians" being assigned to Seminole minors.  These "guardians" were selling off the land of the minors they were allegedly looking out for, ostensibly to cover the costs of their "guardianship."  This was just one way white Oklahoma bankers and attorneys were stealing Native lands in Oklahoma.  (See the recent, frightening book Killers of the Flower Moon: the Osage Murders and the Birth of the FBI by David Grann.  Also, Angie Debo's 1936 And Still the Waters Run.

Seminole Allotment Plat, T6N R6E
The Seminole Nation's land -- like Native land all over the US -- was taken out of tribal ownership and individually distributed to members of the tribe listed in the Dawes Rolls, named after Massachusetts Senator Henry Dawes who wrote the legislation that created this attempted dissolution of Indian identity.  Accessing them and searching them requires no travel to archives and no special research skills.  We can find Cuffie Harjo (although spelled "Cuffee") and we can find his brother-in-law Josie.  We can find the land he was allotted, Township 6 North, Range 6 East, in sections 3 and 10.  Why then, do why find him a landless farmer in the census?  Why do we find the same for his brother-in-law, Josie Marpiyecher?  Why do we find the same for their co-defendant, Caesar Dindy, a Black Choctaw?  Because the land was stolen.

Price Street in Leavenworth
Or consider another co-defendant, Price Street.  Street, like many African Americans, escaped to Indian Territory from the former Confederacy -- in his case Alabama -- seeking relief from the growing white supremacist hegemony of disfranchisement, Jim Crow, and lynch law.  He married a Black Seminole, Missie Davis. Look again at that plat above for her allotment, just east of Cuffie Harjo's in section 10.  So, if his wife was a landowner, why was Price Street a tenant farmer? Do you really have to ask anymore? Price Street was sent to Leavenworth Penitentiary for his part in the rebellion. As a side note, I was sorry to discover that his grandson, Marine PFC Lenard Street, Jr. died in 1968 at Quang Tri.  He was 19 years old and had been in Viet Nam under four months.

Most of the participants in the Green Corn Rebellion were white.  They hadn't stolen the land of their Native and African American neighbors.  That was done by bankers and lawyers.  But they were not great advocates of equality, either.  There are suggestions in the historical record that white rebels refused to listen to Price Street, because he was a Black man.  And that part of Oklahoma became a center of Ku Klux Klan power in the years immediately after the war.  But for a minute in 1917, landless farmers of all races united to oppose militarism and capitalism.  It is worth remembering.



Wednesday, July 19, 2017

Green Corn Rebellion

I had heard of the Green Corn Rebellion of 1917 before.  It was mentioned in passing in histories of the US labor movement, histories of the radical movement, and histories of Oklahoma.  Right here, in my first paragraph is a logical place for another brief summary or characterization, like those I read in the works above.  But my inability to decide how to summarize or characterize is precisely my point today.

The lists of those arrested for participating includes whites, Natives and African Americans.  What were they fighting about?  Contemporary accounts cite the draft, but also talk about the entire capitalist order.  How did they unify in a state that would soon be a center for the Ku Klux Klan and the site of the Tulsa massacre?  The newspapers of the time mock them as cowardly and comical in the same paragraphs in which they demand harsh punishment.  Who, really, were these people?

During the first World War, our governments filled federal and state prisons with all sorts of dissenters.  They were convicted under a new "Espionage" Act as "enemy agents" for opposing the war or the draft, although some were actually targeted for other reasons entirely, such as advocating unions.  So many of these nonconformists were incarcerated in Leavenworth Penitentiary in particular in those years that some historians have called it a "university of radicalism."  Leavenworth housed Mennonite conscientious objectors, Socialists, IWW's, and AFLers.  There were Mexican revolutionaries like Ricardo Flores Magón.  Members of the US 24th Infantry who fought racist Houston cops were locked up here if they escaped execution.  And there were leaders of Oklahoma's Green Corn Rebellion, too.

These incarcerations in Leavenworth turn out to be a rich resource for readers because the prison authorities kept good records including photos.  And given the paucity of good information about who those "green corn" rebels were, and what they were fighting about, that is a help.  Archivists at the National Archives in Kansas City sent me scans from the jackets of Price Street and Ira Hardy, two of the incarcerated rebels.  They give me the men's infirmary and disciplinary records, their height and weight.

I learn that Price Street spent months working in the prison's brickyard and quarry.  He was disciplined by guards for failing to deliver burlap sacks as ordered and for lying about it.  They
subsequently discovered that he had mistakenly brought them to the wrong cellblock, B instead of D, which is unsurprising when one remembers that he had no schooling whatsoever.  There is also a great deal of correspondence in his jacket between the prison and his draft board.  Apparently the local board of Seminole County wanted to prosecute him for failing to report.  The warden of Leavenworth had to inform them that Mr. Street would not be allowed to report for the draft while incarcerated in his institution.  One letter wasn't enough.

Ira Hardy spent most of his prison time working in the power house, I suspect shoveling coal.  He caught the flu in the big epidemic, but survived.  He was disciplined once for refusing to take several wheelbarrow loads of cinders out of the powerhouse.  He took them out after being written up.

So what do I actually learn from any of this?  After looking through it a few times I noticed the list of correspondents to each man.  And that reminded me about the tools of genealogists: census records, draft records, marriage records, death records.  Because these people who wrote to Mr. Hardy and Mr. Street while they were at Leavenworth might help me put together a picture of their lives.

Think about it.  Google "Price Street" and you will find the addresses of homes for sale all over the country.  Get it? Price St.  Google "Ira Hardy" and you will find social media accounts and doctor's offices.  Even familysearch.org is less helpful than you might think.  Between the challenged spelling skills of the enumerators and the quick readings of the LDS transcribers, Price Street turns into Prise Street and Price Strut in the indices.  I only found those when I searched using his wife's name, Missie Street, and I only found that in his prison records.  And Ira Hardy is invisible in the census until you use the first name "Arie" which I found, again, in the prison records.

Following Missie Street allowed me to see why Price, an African American man, was receiving correspondence from Randolph Cudjo, an enrolled Seminole Indian of African descent.  It also showed me why twenty years later Randolph Cudjo was listed on Price Street's World War 2 draft registration as the person always knowing his address.  I realized that Missie Street, née Davis, was also on the Dawes Rolls as a Seminole Indian "freed" person.  Her allotment was adjacent to Randolph's.  I did not learn how she was robbed of her allotment, but her husband Price's status as a tenant farmer -- at the time of both world wars -- tells me that she did indeed lose her land.

There is more.  I found out that one of the Seminoles jailed for the rebellion, "Coffee" Harjo, (a full"blood", not a "freedman) subsequently served in the US Army and was gassed by the Germans.
(And finding him listed as "Guffe", "Cuffy", "Coffey", and "Cuffie" was truly an adventure.)  I found out that he was the brother-in-law of another "blood" Seminole charged for the rebellion, Josie Marpiyecher.  And I found both their signatures on a petition to the Bureau of Indian Affairs asking that underage Seminoles not all be assigned white guardians to "protect" their fiduciary interests, (i.e., steal their land.)  Like the Black Seminoles above, and like the African Americans above, Harjo and Marpiyecher were landless farm laborers, their Dawes allotments notwithstanding.

So I think that most of the participants in the Green Corn Rebellion were tenant farmers.  I think they had different histories of tenancy and different histories of resistance.  For the Natives there was the resistance to allotment of their fathers, associated with the Chitto Harjo Creeks at Hickory Ground.  For the whites there was the Socialist Party, which received 35% of the vote in Seminole County in 1914.  For African Americans there was the move to Oklahoma itself, an attempt to escape the growing white supremacy of the governments of the deep South.  The families of Price Street and Ira Hardy were from Alabama and Texas.

What they all had in common was landlessness (tenancy rates in Seminole County were 83%!) and a reluctance to leave their families to fight in a foreign war.  It was not an antiracist movement.  The whites refused to take any Black leadership, and people seem to have joined as communities rather than as individuals.

I find no evidence that Price Street or Ira Hardy studied in the "university of radicalism" at Leavenworth.  Perhaps that, too, was segregated.  I am awaiting the paperwork from the Green Corn trials and the prison record of Black IWW Ben Fletcher.  Perhaps there will be trails to follow.  Perhaps not.  But I am still reluctant to describe the Green Corn Rebellion in a sentence.

Monday, May 29, 2017

OKLAHOMA!

Last Thursday we went to hear Krista Tippett speak at St. Vladimir's Seminary in Yonkers.  She was her usual eclectic self, drawing thoughts from science and from the arts, from Thich Nhat Han and from Rabbi Abraham Joshua Heschel and from Martin Luther King.  She is extremely cosmopolitan while speaking about the very personal: listening, being curious, wondering.  One thing she mentioned only in passing, though, really got my attention.  She said that she is from Oklahoma, and it seemed to me that in this context, "Oklahoma" was shorthand for one thing, parochialism.  And I'm not sure.

I have been thinking about the many Oklahomas that exist in the exact same geographic coordinates, so separated, in fact, that people who are right next to one another actually live in different universes from. The Oklahoma of the imagination only magnifies this.  Consider Merle Haggard's 1969 song, "Okie from Muskogee."  He was turned off by protests against the Viet Nam war and wrote and released what was received as a kind of patriotic redneck anthem.  Weirdly, though, Muskogee is not an especially white place.  It was the capital of the Creek Indian Nation and is still the home of a sizable Native American minority.  Haggard himself grew up in California, although his parents were from Checotah, the part of Oklahoma that used to be the Creek Nation.  Is eastern Oklahoma white, or native?

Oklahoma's most famous native son is easily still the early 20th century humorist, Will Rogers.  Rogers was famously 9/32 Cherokee Indian.  He grew up in Oologah, Indian Territory and his father was a prominent figure in the tribe.  But Clement Rogers was one of those Cherokees who fought on the Confederate side in the Civil War.  He was a delegate to the Oklahoma constitutional convention, which immediately segregated the state.  One variant of the Oklahoma license plate says "Native America."  Are Native Americans like Will Rogers actually people of color?

The first Broadway musical written by the team of Rodgers and Hammerstein was "Oklahoma!"  It takes place in Claremore, in the old Cherokee Nation.  Everybody is white, with the possible
exception of the character called Ali Hakim.  Even the horror of the plot is whitewashed.  Jud Fry attacks the protagonist, Curly McClain with a knife, but then it's Jud who dies...  and he was a moody guy, anyway... and Curly doesn't really kill him, he falls on his own knife...  and the cowboys' impromptu grand jury acquits Curly...  and Curly and Laurey ride happily away in a surrey with a fringe on top.  In the original of the play, Lynn Rigg's "Green Grow the Lilacs," the Jud character is named Jeeter Fry.  The reason why all the white characters are so outraged at Jeeter's romantic interest in Laurey is that he is part Native American.  Curley kills him for it, no ambiguity about it, and the kangaroo court exonerates him anyway.  The climactic scene, then, is the lynching of the lone Native character!  How idyllic.

Another famous Oklahoma of the imagination is John Steinbeck's The Grapes of Wrath.  It was the bestselling book of 1939 and won the Pulitzer Prize for best novel.  The film version, starring Henry Fonda, was an even bigger hit and won John Ford the Oscar for best director in 1940.  There are no Natives and no African Americans in The Grapes of Wrath. The conflicts are all matters of social class: the Joads and their fellow Dust Bowl migrants on the one hand; and the bankers, planters and sheriff's posses on the other.  It is worth noting here that the Joad's home in Sallisaw was actually outside the Dust Bowl.  But the Depression hit eastern Oklahoma sharecroppers very hard, financially and emotionally.  White sharecroppers in the old Indian Territory were especially angry at not being landowners, because many of them had Native American landlords, at least earlier in the 20th century.  Sallisaw is roughly one-quarter Native even today, almost 90 years after the events of the story.  It is hard to imagine that the Joads didn't know any Native people.  There are no people of color in the Oklahoma of this movie, or even in California.  The Joads do encounter Indians while driving through New Mexico. But it is hard to believe that real life migrants from Sallisaw, in the Cherokee Nation, don't meet any Indians until they leave home.

I mention the phrase "Dust Bowl" so I am duty bound to segue into Woody Guthrie, the Dust Bowl
Balladeer.  He is most famous for the song "This Land is Your Land."  Like Merle Haggard a generation later, Woody got into country music radio in California, but unlike Merle, Woody was born and grew up in Oklahoma.  Woody was from Okemah, in the old Creek Nation.  His father Charles was most probably a Klansman and a member of the lynch mob that killed Laura and Lawrence Nelson in that town.  Woody himself did nothing to hide that, and wrote multiple songs condemning racism (including that of his Brooklyn landlord, Fred Trump) but there is something about the imagined Woody that papers this over.  Instead he is remembered as a troubadour of the working class, a working class as narrowly imagined as that of Tom Joad.

The last white Oklahoma I want to cite is that of Susan Hinton's 1967 young adult novel The Outsiders.  She wrote this when she was 15 and 16 years old and the world of the story is the world of teens in 1960's Tulsa.  The book is still widely read and received further notice from Francis Ford Coppola's 1983 movie version.  Which young 80's star wasn't in it?  The cast included Rob Lowe, Matt Dillon, Ralph Macho, Patrick Swayze, Tom Cruise, Emilio Estevez, and (the well-known at that time) teen idol Leif Garrett.  Like several of the places named above, Tulsa was a part of the Creek Nation.  Even today its population is 20% African American and 5% Native American.  The Tulsa of The Outsiders, though, seems to be all white, and the social conflict is between the children of the country club set, called "socs," and the poorer teens known as "greasers."  This should be no surprise.  Susan Hinton wrote the book when she was a fifteen-year old junior at Will Rogers (who else?) High School.  And Rogers HS wasn't integrated until 1973, almost twenty years after the Supreme Court's decision in Brown v. Board of Education!  So in the 1965 of The Outsiders, all the African American teens in Tulsa would have attended Booker T. Washington (who else?) high school... another universe.

How about the universe, imagined and otherwise, of other Oklahomans?  Well, Ralph Ellison was from Oklahoma City and they are proud to claim him as an Oklahoman now.  In his posthumous work, Juneteenth, Ellison did address the simultaneously segregated and integrated worlds of Black,
white, and Native Oklahoma.  At one point the Reverend Daddy Hickman reminds his adopted white son, Bliss, how many white souls he saved with the hymn "Let Us Break Bread Together on Our Knees."  But Bliss has become the white-supremacist US Senator Adam Sunraider.  Hickman remembers moments of unity:
That scar on my skull to this day from going to the polls with ax handles and pistols, some whites and Indians with us, and battling for the right. Long back, now Oklahoma’s just a song, but they don’t sing about that.
He directly addresses the white-washed Oklahoma of the Broadway show. So Ellison knows "Oklahoma!" but does "Oklahoma!" know Ellison?   Ellison's Invisible Man won the National Book Award for 1953 and it is on most lists of the best English-language novels of the 20th century.  But how many people have actually read it? When it was published, the New York Times critic greeted Invisible Man with the oddly-ambiguous "praise" that it was "the most impressive work of fiction by an American Negro which I have ever read."  Wow.

Twenty years ago, Toni Morrison wrote Paradise.  That seems like a really strange title for a novel that takes place in an all-Black Oklahoma town, but which opens with the line, "They kill the white girl first."  I don't know what tiny proportion of Americans even knows about the existence of all-Black towns.  Many of them were in Oklahoma, both because of the large number of Black folks who were members of the Creek, Seminole, Choctaw, Chickasaw and Cherokee tribes; and because of the large numbers of Black folks who moved to Indian Territory after the post-Civil War rise of the Klan in the old Confederate states.   Toni Morrison won the Pulitzer in 1988 for Beloved.  She won the Nobel in 1993.  But despite her brilliance (and the lasting brilliance of her work) she is probably more famous for Oprah asking her viewers to read the books than she is for the books themselves.  
Oprah made a beautiful, critically-acclaimed film out of Beloved, but it bombed at the box office, taking in a grand total of $22 million on a budget of $88 million.  The movie "Beloved" was beaten on its opening weekend by "Bride of Chucky."  Then theaters decided to stop showing it to make room for Adam Sandler's "Waterboy."  I have no words.  But there is no better way to explain why (white) people don't get Paradise.  Even its inclusion in the Oprah Winfrey Book Club didn't stop readers, including literary critics, from being confused.  The social conflicts in Paradise are between men and women and between the richer (and lighter-skinned) people of Haven and those of the novel's setting, the town of Ruby.  What were white people to make of this?  

The only film I can compare it to is John Singleton's (also 1997) "Rosewood."  The all-black town in this story is in Florida instead of Oklahoma, but still.  Starring Jon Voight and Ving Rhames, Don Cheadle and Bruce McGill, it had enough white characters for success, even if Bruce McGill did play a white supremacist murderer.  And it was about white folks attacking Black folks, which is -- at least -- a familiar story line.   There is plenty of fighting back, but the Black folks are defeated and their town is destroyed.  This is a narrative that people understand better than an all-Black town still extant after the Viet Nam war, as in Paradise.

I also want to mention John Hope Franklin, born in the all-Black town of Rentiesville, Oklahoma and raised in Tulsa.  He graduated from (of course) Booker T. Washington High School, and received his PhD in history from Harvard in 1941.  Both his parents were Black Choctaws.  His best-known work is From Slavery to Freedom: A History of African Americans.  If you don't know it, you should.  Dr. Franklin is important to understanding Oklahoma, too.  Not only was he from a Black Native family, but he lived with the "state Negroes," those who moved to Indian Territory from the states.  He moved to Tulsa just before the 1921 pogroms in which the African American neighborhoods were burned -- both from the ground and in aerial incendiary attacks! -- and armed white mobs moved into the streets shooting and lynching the
occupants.  Franklin's dad, BC (Buck) Franklin was an attorney, and he saw his father mount the legal cases that allowed some Black Tulsans get their property deeds when it seemed that the Klan wanted to permanently purge them from the city after burning them out.  I believe that Professor Franklin is largely responsible for preserving the memory of the "Black Wall Street" in Tulsa and of the the attacks that left it a smoking ruin.

What of Native Oklahoma?  Nowadays few people still read the Creek Indian poet Alexander Posey unless they are taking a course in Native literature.  He was the editor of the daily newspaper Eufaula Indian Journal.  He was secretary to the constitutional convention for the proposed Indian state of Sequoyah, a proposal which Congress ignored when it merged Indian Territory and Oklahoma Territory into the new state of Oklahoma in 1907.  Posey may have been best known for his Fus Fixico letters.  They were dialect humor, published as letters to the editor in the voice of a Creek full-blood.  Much of this humor was so topical that -- unless you study the politics of the Creek Nation in the first decade of the last century: Crazy Snakes, Legus Perryman, Chief Porter -- it is impenetrable.  Some of it, though, alludes to issues that people today will understand.  In April 1903 "Fus" wrote:
Well, so Big Man at Washington was made another rule like that one about making the Injin cut his hair off short like a prize fighter or saloon keeper. Big Man he was say this time the Injin was had to change his name just like if the marshal was had a writ for him. So, if the Injin’s name is Wolf Warrior, he was had to call himself John Smith, or maybe so Bill Jones, so nobody else could get his mail out of the post office. Big Man say Injin name like Sitting Bull or Tecumseh was too hard to remember and don’t sound civilized, like General Cussed Her or old Grand Pa Harry’s Son.
People can still relate to the name changes and the hair cuts that were meant to end one's Native identity.  And I love the subtle joke alluding to hiding that identity "if the marshal was had a writ."  But I am endlessly repelled by Posey's racism against both African Americans and Black Creek Indians.  Here is a sample from January of that same year:
So I was to Eufaula last week and stay all night in wagon yard with white folks and Arkansawyers that was come to town to get in debt for sowbelly and tobacco and molasses and things like that. We was walk 'round and see everything.  We was go to depot and look at trains, but we was see nothing but lots a niggers.  Maybe so they was fixing to go to Africa, or maybe so Muskogee or Wildcat.
 Wildcat was an all-Black town and Muskogee, the Creek capital, had a large Black population, too.  There is so much of that stuff in Posey's comedy that it becomes nearly impossible to read without concluding that he thinks he it white.  But he also talks about why the white papers love stories about Indians that strike oil on their land, while somehow never hearing about people "behind the hills" who lose their corn patch because somebody else files for an allotment on their land.  So, again, another Oklahoma.

The history of that Oklahoma of stolen allotments was written by Angie Debo in her book And Still the Waters Run in 1936.  White Oklahoma was still so hostile to allowing this story to be told that the University of Oklahoma withdrew its offer to publish and the book only came out four years later, from Princeton University Press.  Debo herself, a white woman, never received an academic appointment, despite having received the prestigious Dunning Prize of the American Historical Association for her first book.  For years she was barred from teaching in Oklahoma in any capacity.

Just last month David Grann released Killers of the Flower Moon: The Osage Murders and the Birth of the FBI which tells the story of rampant conspiracy against Native oil lease holders, including being courted and married by conspirators who later murdered them and their kin.  This is all part of the Oklahoma story.  Those white Oklahomans definitely knew there were Natives among them.  When they covered up their crimes, though, they were also erasing the very existence of the people they robbed and killed.

Today when you visit the state of Oklahoma some of the important places in its history are ghost towns.  Others have been swallowed by the growth of metropolitan Tulsa and Oklahoma City.  But some have been simply plowed under, not returned to prairie and forest, but hidden under crops of soy and cotton and wheat.  Other historic towns and ranches are underwater, flooded by dams on the Arkansas and Canadian and Deep Fork Rivers.  The bankers and oilmen who won the battles for the identity of Oklahoma have obscured even the existence of its previous iterations, before the arrival of the Five Tribes on the Trail of Tears, before the arrival of the Boomers and Sooners, before the arrival of the oil companies.  But the people are still with us.  Some of them may be in California or Texas or New York, but they are still people.  Some of them may now be African American instead of Black Indians.  Some may be white instead of Native.  But the stories shouldn't die.  I think they are equally compelling as stories about the Dalai Lama.  This is what I wanted to say last Thursday to Krista Tippett.